Moscow Gold

Moscow gold is one of those phrases that gets bandied about. Claud Cockburn said that none of it came his way when he was writing for the Daily Worker. It seems however that the Bolsheviks had enormous assets. Looting Holy Mother Russian gave plenty of scope for getting rich. It was written about by Igor Bunich in The Party's Gold, which is on line but only Russian.

He is quoted by Matthew Johnson at page 120 in The Occidental Quarterly for Spring 2016 telling us that Trotsky & Lenin had personal bank accounts holding millions.

Specifically that the Jew Trotsky's accounts in America held $80 million, with another 90 million francs in Switzerland, the Jew Moisei Uritsky had has 85 million francs, Felix Dzerzhinsky had 80 million francs, the Jew Yakov Ganetsky had 60 million Swiss francs & $10 million.

Further that Kuhn, Loeb & Co. supported Trotsky's take over with $20 million, being repaid later with $102,290,000. That is QUOTE everybody involved in the conspiracy made enormous amounts of money from the sufferings of the Russian people.  UNQUOTE

Recall that when Trotsky went back to Russia in 1917 he was captured en route, carrying $10,000 in gold; perhaps worth a million in today's money, enough to start a revolution perhaps.

Professor Johnson also wrote Our Kind Of Enemy, an interesting article. Who are the enemy? It's not who we are told - it's not simple; far from it. We are being lied to big time. The Main Stream Media are Propaganda machines with an agenda. Our well being is not on it.

 

Igor Bunich ex Wiki
[ The Wiki is being tendentious ]
Igor Bunich (September 28, 1937 – June 15, 2000) was a Russian historian known for offering a number of revisionist interpretations of Russian history. He is most famous for claiming that Joseph Stalin was actively preparing to invade western Europe in 1941 before any suggestion of the German eastward assault in Operation Barbarossa.

Operatsia Groza
Bunich published three volumes with the title "Operatsia Groza"—"Operation Thunderstorm"—the first one in 1994, the last one posthumously in 2004. In these books he communicates a plan of Stalin for an invasion of whole Western Europe: "Operation Thunderstorm". It can be found in the so-called "Osobaya Papka", a file which contains about 100,000 Top Secret documents. In this file it is document Nr.103202/06. The paper is signed by Marshal Semyon Timoshenko and the chief of the General Staff at that time Merezkov. It is dated 18 September 1940, three months before the German "Operation Barbarossa" was signed. After Georgy Zhukov became chief of the general staff in February 1941, the plan was called MP 41 (Mobilisatsyonni Plan 41). Bunich points to the Russian military archives, where it can be found (ZAMO, f. 15A, op.2154, d.4,l. 199-287). This document contains information about the Soviet military power in June 1941: 300 divisions, 8 million soldiers, 27,500 tanks, 32,628 airplanes. The total number of the German warplanes at that time was only about 6,000 although the majority of the Soviet aircraft was obsolete.

Bunich is not the only Russian historian who questioned the thesis of the "cowardly attack of the Wehrmacht against the peace loving Soviet Union". In 1989 appeared the book "Ledokol" (Icebreaker) by Viktor Suvorov, whose real name was Vladimir Bogdanovich Resun, in which advanced this theory. In February 1992, even the official military-historical Journal of the Russian forces—"Voenno-istorichesky Zhournal"—[1] published an article with the heading "Unquestionable Facts of the War's Beginning", where a speech by Zhdanov, one of Stalin's intimates, expressed that the Soviet Union had already started an "aggressive foreign policy" in 1939, with the decision to attack Finland. This article also mentions that the defense efforts of the Soviet Union were impeded by the prevailing aggressive thinking of the Soviet General Staff. These plans were extending to 1943 and to such an extent, that no effective measures against the German assault could be taken.

Bunich does not at all intend to polish up the image of Adolf Hitler. His first intention is to analyze who is guilty of having caused the immense human losses of Russia in World War II. He discovered a document, in which the total number of killed Russian soldiers is said to be 30.5 million—8.5 million of them directly killed in battle, 22 million died after from their wounds, one half of them through tetanus. In Bunich's view Stalin is not the main responsible for these human losses, but Zhukov. Stalin was a statesman but not a soldier, in strategic questions he had to rely on the advice of his generals, and Zhukov was not a very talented one. For example, he gave order to pile up heaps of ammunition under the bare sky in Soviet occupied Poland to a kind of Egyptian pyramids, which could be easily detected by the scout planes of the "Fliegerabteilung" of Admiral Wilhelm Canaris' "Abwehr" patrolling over this region as early as a month before the German attack. The Germans got a good picture of this monstrous mass of men and material and later easily destroyed it.

Bunich's "Operatsia Groza'" is full of yet unknown facts about the Third Reich. For example, he reveals why Reinhard Heydrich was replaced as the head of the "SD" ("Sicherheitsdienst") by Walter Schellenberg and was made instead the Governor General of Bohemia: This happened because his major rival Admiral Canaris showed Hitler the file of "Chaijm Aaron Heydrich", Heydrich's grandfather, a first violinist in the Vienna "Hofoperette" - and who was Jewish.

Bunich mentions a remarkable talk between Walter Schellenberg and the Soviet ambassador to Germany, Vladimir Dekanozov, which took place in March 1941. Both men were secret-service veterans and this, in addition to a lot of drinks, created a friendly atmosphere between them. Dekanosov asked Schellenberg: "We heard that there exists a plan called Operation Barbarossa which means a German assault against us". Schellenberg remained quiet for a while and then said: "This is correct, this plan exists and it was elaborated with great thoroughness. We communicated this plan through secret channels to the Americans and the British, to make them believe that we are preparing to attack you. If they believe it, we have a good chance to succeed with our "Operation Seelöwe". - But, we also know about Your "Operation Grom"" ("Grom" means thunder and "Grosa" thunderstorm). Dekanosov informed Stalin about this talk with Schellenberg - and Stalin decided to believe Schellenberg!

Only days before "Barbarossa" began, it turned out that Merezkov, its author, betrayed "Grosa" to the Germans. According to Bunich, the German invasion of June 22, 1941 succeeded in the beginning because large segments of the Red Army surrendered or fled into forests and deserted. Adding to the confusion was Stalin's order to initiate the "Grosa" plan to attack.

Also, some people gradually realized that Adolf Hitler and the Germans saw them as "sub humans" (Untermenschen). On that ground the resistance movement came into being and Stalin was able to lead this war known as the Great Patriotic War. On the backside of the cover of "Operatsiya Grosa" Bunich mentions that Stalin had decided to start his attack against Western Europe on July 10, 1941.

External links

 

Yakov Ganetsky ex Wiki
Yakov Stanislavovich Ganetsky (also spelled Hanecki), also known as Jakub Fürstenberg (Fuerstenberg) (Russian: Яков (Якуб) Станиславович Ганецкий (Фюстенберг)) (15 March 1879 — 26 November 1937) was a prominent Old Bolshevik and close associate of Vladimir Lenin,[1] famous as one of the financial wizards who arranged, through his close working relationship with Alexander Parvus, the secret German funding that saved the Bolsheviks. After the October Revolution of 1917, Ganetsky served as Chief Soviet banker,[2] trade representative and Ambassador to Latvia. On behalf of the Soviet government he signed the Peace of Riga and Treaty of Kars. His last post was that of a director of the Museum of the Revolution of the USSR, presently the State Historical Museum. He was executed during the Great Purge and was rehabilitated posthumously.

Yakov Ganetsky was born in Warsaw, then in the Russian Empire, into the family of a factory owner. In 1896 he joined the Bolshevik fraction of the RSDRP. He moved to Germany in 1901 and studied in rapid succession at Berlin, Heidelberg, and Zurich universities. He worked as a salesman. In 1903-09 Ganetsky was a member of the main administration of Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania (SDKPiL) and an active participant in the 1905-07 revolution in Poland.

For his revolutionary activities Ganetsky was repeatedly arrested. From 1907 he was a member of the Central Committee of RSDRP(b). During the division of SDKPiL (1912–16) he was a member of the boundary administration and one of the leaders of the pro-Lenin fraction.

During World War I Ganetsky, in association with Alexander Parvus and Karl Radek, was involved in secret negotiations with the German General Staff regarding funding of the Bolsheviks and was one of the organizers of the (Copenhagen operation) as well as a mediator between Lenin and the Germans. He was one of the organizers of Lenin's return in a "sealed train" from exile in Switzerland to Russia in 1917.

 

Nikolay Kruchina ex Wiki
Nikolay Yefimovich Kruchina (Russian: Николай Ефимович Кручина; 14 May 1928, Siberian Krai (now Altai Krai) - 26 August 1991, Moscow), was a top Soviet communist official, the administrator of affairs of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) since 1983 and until his death, effectively the party's chief treasurer who was responsible for its enormous assets (popularly dubbed as the party's gold, Russian: золото Партии), estimated to be worth nearly $9 billion, which have never been located thereafter.[1]

Career
Kruchina joined the party in 1949. In 1962 he became an instructor for the Agricultural Department of the CPSU. In 1963-1965 he was a secretary of the Tselinny Krai Committee of the Communist Party in the Kazakh SSR, in 1965-1978—the First Secretary of the Tselinograd Oblast Committee of the Communist Party in the Kazakh SSR. In 1973 he was awarded Hero of Socialist Labor. In 1971 Kruchina entered the Central Auditing Committee of the CPSU. In 1971 he became a candidate member and in 1976 a full member of the CPSU Central Committee. In 1978-1983 served as a first deputy chairman of the Agricultural Department of the CPSU then headed by Mikhail Gorbachev, became its Chairman after Gorbachev in 1983 and in the same year, after Yury Andropov's assumption of power, finally replaced Georgy Pavlov as the party's administrator of affairs (upravlyayushchiy delami). It is known that Kruchina's office transferred millions of dollars as a Soviet help to foreign Communist Parties. For the last time Kruchina visited his office on August 19, the day the abortive Soviet coup attempt of 1991 started. In 1966-1989 he was also a Deputy in the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and in 1989-1991 People's Deputy of the Soviet Union.

Death
Kruchina died as a result of falling out of the window of his apartment in Moscow in the early morning of August 26, five days after the coup attempt. Still, he allegedly left two suicide notes, where it was claimed that he was not a plotter, despite having never been publicly linked to the attempted coup.[2][3] This wasn't the only alleged suicide among the Soviet leadership those days; Soviet Interior Minister Boris Pugo, one of the plotters, allegedly shot his wife and himself in their apartment on August 22, while Marshal Sergei Akhromeyev, Adviser to the President of the USSR on military affairs, allegedly hanged himself in his office on August 24. Kruchina's predecessor, Georgy Pavlov, died the same way as Kruchina did, on October 6. On October 17 Dmitry Lisovolik, former deputy chief of the party's international department, followed his way several weeks after investigators found $600,000 in the office of his boss, Valentin Falin.[4] Kruchina was laid to rest at the Troyekurovskoye Cemetery.

 

Moisei Uritsky ex Wiki
Moisei Solomonovich Uritsky (Russian: Моисей Соломонович Урицкий; January 14, 1873–August 17, 1918) was a Bolshevik revolutionary leader in Russia.

Family
Uritsky was born in the city of Cherkasy, Kiev Governorate, to a Litvak family. His father, a merchant, died when Moisei was little and his mother raised her son by herself. He attended the Bila Tserkva Gymnasium, supporting himself through teaching and became an active social democrat.[1]

Early political career
Moisei studied law at the University of Kiev. During his studies he joined the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party and organized an underground network for importing and distributing political literature. In 1897 he was arrested and exiled for running an illegal mimeograph press. Becoming involved in the revolutionary movement, he participated in the revolutionary Jewish Bund. In 1903, he became a Menshevik. His activities in Petersburg during the 1905 revolution earned him a second term of exile. Along with Alexander Parvus he was active in dispatching revolutionary agents to infiltrate the Tsarist security apparatus.

Russian Revolution
In 1914 he emigrated to France and contributed to the Party newspaper Our Word. Back in Russia in 1917 Uritsky became a member of the Mezhraiontsy group. A few months before the October Revolution of 1917, he joined the Bolsheviks and was elected to their Central Committee in July 1917. Uritsky played a leading part in the Bolsheviks' armed take-over in October and later was made head of the Petrograd Cheka. In this position Uritsky coordinated the pursuit and prosecution of members of the nobility, military officers and ranking Russian Orthodox Church clerics who opposed the Bolsheviks.

Because Uritsky was against the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, he resigned his post in 1918, like Bukharin, Bubnov, Piatakov, Dzherzhinsky and Smirnov. On March 4, 1918, the Petrograd committee published the first number of the journal Kommunist, the public organ of the "left communist" opposition, as directed by Radek and Uritsky. The Extraordinary Seventh Congress of the Bolshevik party, which was held between March 6 and 8, 1918, rejected the Theses on the Present Situation that was submitted as a resolution by the "Left Communists". The "Left Communists" Lomov and Uritsky, who were elected to the Central Committee, stated at the Congress that they would not work in the Central Committee, and did not begin work there for several months in spite of insistent demands from the Central Committee.

On May 25, 1918, with the Revolt of the Czechoslovak Legion, the Russian Civil War began and Uritsky resumed his position on the Central Committee.

Assassination
Leonid Kannegisser, a young military cadet, assassinated Uritsky on August 17,[2] 1918 in retaliation for the execution of his friend and other officers. Following this event, along with the assassination attempt on Lenin by Fanya Kaplan on August 30, the Bolsheviks began a wave of persecution known as the Red Terror. Palace Square in Petrograd was known as Uritsky Square from 1918 to 1944.

 

Felix Dzerzhinsky ex Wiki
Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky (Russian: Фе́ликс Эдму́ндович Дзержи́нский; Polish: Feliks Dzierżyński [ˈfɛlʲiks dʑerˈʐɨɲskʲi]; 11 September [O.S. 30 August] 1877 – 20 July 1926), nicknamed Iron Felix, was a Soviet statesman of Polish descent and a prominent member of revolutionary movements. His party pseudonyms were Yatsek, Yakub, Pereplyotchik (meaning "bookbinder"), Franek, Astronom, Yuzef and Domanski.

He was a member of several revolutionary committees such as the Polish Revkom as well as several Russian and Soviet official positions. Dzerzhinsky is best known for establishing and developing the Soviet secret police forces, serving as their director from 1917 to 1926. Later he was a member of the Soviet government heading several commissariats, while being the chief of the Soviet secret police. The Cheka soon became notorious for mass summary executions, performed especially during the Red Terror and the Russian Civil War.[1][2]

Early life
Felix Dzerzhinsky was born on 11 September 1877 at the Dzerzhinovo family estate, about 15 km (9.3 mi) away from a small town of Ivyanets, in the Minsk Region, a part of the Russian Empire (today Belarus). His aristocratic family belonged to the former Polish szlachta (nobility), of the Sulima coat of arms.[3] As a child, before taking to Marxist ideology, Felix considered becoming a Jesuit priest.[4] His sister Wanda died at the age of 12, when she was accidentally shot with a hunting rifle on the family estate by one of the brothers. At the time of the incident, there were conflicting claims as to whether Felix or his brother Stanisław was responsible for the accident.[5]

His father, Edmund-Rufin Dzierżyński, graduated from the Saint Petersburg University in 1863 and moved to Wilno, where he worked as a home teacher for a professor of Saint Petersburg University named Januszewski and eventually married Januszewski's daughter Helena Ignatievna. In 1868, after a short stint in Kherson gymnasium, he worked as a gymnasium teacher of physics and mathematics at the gymnasiums of Taganrog, particularly the Chekhov Gymnasium.[6] In 1875 Edmund Dzierżyński retired due to health conditions and moved with his family to his estate near Ivyanets and Rakaw, Russian Empire. In 1882 Felix's father died from tuberculosis.[6]

As a youngster Dzerzhinsky became fluent in four languages: Polish, Russian, Yiddish, and Latin. He attended the Wilno gymnasium from 1887 to 1895. One of the older students at this gymnasium was his future arch-enemy, Józef Piłsudski. Years later, as Marshal of Poland, Piłsudski recalled that Dzerzhinsky... "distinguished himself as a student with delicacy and modesty. He was rather tall, thin and demure, making the impression of an ascetic with the face of an icon... Tormented or not, this is an issue history will clarify; in any case this person did not know how to lie."[7] School documents show that Dzerzhinsky attended his first year in school twice, while his eighth year he was not able to finish. Dzerzhinsky received a school diploma which stated: "Dzerzhinsky Feliks, who is 18 years of age, of Catholic faith, along with a satisfactory attention and satisfactory diligence showed the following successes in sciences, namely: Divine law—"good"; Logic, Latin, Algebra, Geometry, Mathematical geography, Physics, History (of Russia), French—"satisfactory"; Russian and Greek—"unsatisfactory".[8]

Political affiliations and arrests
Two months before graduating, Dzerzhinsky was expelled from the gymnasium for "revolutionary activity". He had joined a Marxist group—the Union of Workers (Socjaldemokracja Królestwa Polskiego "SDKP") in 1895. In late April 1896, he was one of 15 delegates at the first congress of the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP).[9] In 1897, he attended the second congress of the LSDP where it rejected independence in favour of national autonomy. On 18 March 1897, he was sent to Kaunas, to take advantage of the arrest of the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) branch. He worked in a book-binding factory and set up an illegal press.[10] As an organizer of a shoemaker's strike, Dzerzhinsky was arrested for "criminal agitation among the Kaunas workers" and the police files from this time state that: "Felix Dzerzhinsky, considering his views, convictions and personal character, will be very dangerous in the future, capable of any crime."[11] Dzerzhinsky envisioned merging of the LSDP with the RSDLP and was a follower of Rosa Luxemburg on a national issue.

He was arrested on a denunciation for his revolutionary activities for the first time in 1897 after which he served almost a year in the Kaunas prison. In 1898, Dzerzhinsky was sent for three years to the Vyatka Governorate (city of Nolinsk) where he worked at a local tobacco factory. There Dzerzhinsky was caught for conducting agitation for revolutionary activities and was sent out 500 versts (330 mi) north to the village of Kaigorodskoye. In August 1899, he ran from there back to Wilno. Dzerzhinsky subsequently became one of the founders of Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania (SDKPiL) in 1899. In February 1900, he was arrested again and served his time at first in the Alexander Citadel in Warsaw and later at the Siedlce prison. In 1902, Dzerzhinsky was sent deep into Siberia for the next five years in a remote town of Vilyuysk, while en route being temporarily held at the Alexandrovsk Transitional Prison near Irkutsk. To the place of exile he ran on a boat and later emigrated out of the country. He then traveled to Berlin where at the SDKPiL conference Dzerzhinsky was elected a secretary of its party committee abroad (KZ) and met with several prominent leaders of the Polish Social Democratic movement Rosa Luxemburg and Leo Jogiches. They gained control of the party organization through the creation of a committee called the Komitet Zagraniczny—KZ, which dealt with the party's foreign relations. As secretary of the KZ, Dzerzhinsky was able to dominate the SDKPiL. In Berlin, he organized publishing of "Czerwony Sztandar" and transportation of illegal literature from Kraków to the Congress Poland. Being a delegate to the IV Congress of SDKPiL in 1903 Dzerzhinsky was elected as a member of its General Board.

Dzerzhinsky went to Switzerland where his fiancée Julia Goldman was undergoing treatment for tuberculosis. She died in his arms on 4 June 1904. Her illness and death depressed him; and, in letters to his sister, Dzerzhinsky explained that he no longer saw any meaning for his life. That changed with the Russian Revolution of 1905 as Dzerzhinsky was involved with work again. After the revolution failed, he was again jailed in July 1905, this time by the Okhrana. In October, he was released on amnesty. As a delegate to the 4th Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, Dzerzhinsky entered the central body of the party. From July through September 1906, he stayed in Saint Petersburg and then returned to Warsaw where he was arrested again in December of the same year. In June 1907, Dzerzhinsky was released on bail. At the 5th Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, he was elected in absentia as a member of the Central Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party. In April 1908, Dzerzhinsky was arrested once again in Warsaw and in 1909 he was exiled to Siberia again (Yeniseysk Governorate). As before Dzerzhinsky managed to escape by November 1909 to Maxim Gorky on Capri and then back to Poland in 1910.

Back in Kraków in 1910, Dzerzhinsky married party member Zofia Muszkat, who was already pregnant. A month later, she was arrested and she gave birth to their son Janek in Pawiak prison. In 1911, Zofia was sentenced to permanent Siberian exile, and she left the child with her father. Dzerzhinsky saw his son for the first time in March 1912 in Warsaw. In attending the welfare of his child, Dzerzhinsky repeatedly exposed himself to the danger of arrest. On one occasion, Dzerzhinsky narrowly escaped an ambush that the police had prepared at the apartment of his father-in-law.[12]

Dzerzhinsky remained to direct the Social Democratic Party, while considering his continued freedom "only a game of the Okhrana". The Okhrana, however, was not playing a game; Dzerzhinsky simply was a master of conspiratorial techniques and was therefore extremely difficult to find. A police file from this time says: "Dzerzhinsky continued to lead the Social Democratic party and at the same time he directed party work in Warsaw, he led strikes, he published appeals to workers ... and he traveled on party matters to Łódź and Kraków". The police however were unable to arrest Dzerzhinsky until the end of 1912, when they found the apartment where he lived, by the name of Władysław Ptasiński.[13]

Revolution
Dzerzhinsky would spend the next four and one-half years in tsarist prisons, first at the notorious Tenth Pavilion of the Warsaw Citadel. When World War I began in 1914, all political prisoners were relocated from Warsaw into Russia proper. Dzerzhinsky was taken to Oryol Prison. He was very concerned about the fate of his wife and son, with whom he did not have any communication. Moreover, Dzerzhinsky was beaten frequently by the Russian prison guards, which caused the permanent disfigurement of his jaw and mouth. In 1916 Dzerzhinsky was moved to the Moscow Butyrka prison, where he was soon hospitalized because the chains that he was forced to wear had caused severe cramps in his legs. Despite the prospects of amputation, Dzerzhinsky recovered and was put to labor sewing military uniforms.[14]

Felix Dzerzhinsky was freed from Butyrka after the February Revolution of 1917. Soon after his release, Dzerzhinsky's goal was to organize Polish refugees in Russia and then go back to Poland and fight for the revolution there, writing to his wife: "together with these masses we will return to Poland after the war and become one whole with the SDKPiL". However, he remained in Moscow where he joined the Bolshevik party, writing to his comrades that "the Bolshevik party organization is the only Social Democratic organization of the proletariat, and if we were to stay outside of it, then we would find ourselves outside of the proletarian revolutionary struggle".

Already in April he entered the Moscow Committee of the Bolsheviks and soon thereafter was elected to the Executive Committee of the Moscow Soviet. Dzerzhinsky endorsed Lenin's April Theses—demanding uncompromising opposition to the Russian Provisional Government, the transfer of all political authority to the Soviets, and the immediate withdrawal of Russia from the war. Ironically, Dzerzhinsky's brother, Stanislaw, was murdered on the Dzerzhinsky estate by deserting Russian soldiers that same year.[15][16]

Dzerzhinsky was elected subsequently to the Bolshevik Central Committee at the Sixth Party Congress in late July. He then moved from Moscow to Petrograd to begin his new responsibilities. In Petrograd, Dzerzhinsky participated in the crucial session of the Central Committee in October and he strongly endorsed Lenin's demands for the immediate preparation of a rebellion, after which Felix Dzerzhinsky had an active role with the Military Revolutionary Committee during the October Revolution. With the acquisition of power by the Bolsheviks, Dzerzhinsky eagerly assumed responsibility for making security arrangements at the Smolny Institute where the Bolsheviks had their headquarters.[17]

Director of Cheka
Lenin regarded Felix Dzerzhinsky as a revolutionary hero and appointed him to organize a force to combat internal threats. On 20 December 1917, the Council of People's Commissars officially established the All-Russia Extraordinary Commission to Combat Counter-revolution and Sabotage—usually known as the Cheka (based on the Russian acronym ВЧК). Dzerzhinsky became its director. The Cheka received a large number of resources, and became known for ruthlessly pursuing any perceived counterrevolutionary elements. As the Russian Civil War expanded, Dzerzhinsky also began organizing internal security troops to enforce the Cheka's authority.

The Cheka undertook drastic measures during the Russian Civil War. Tens of thousands of political opponents were shot without trial in the basements of prisons and in public places.[18] Dzerzhinsky said: "We represent in ourselves organized terror—this must be said very clearly."[19] and "[The Red Terror involves] the terrorization, arrests and extermination of enemies of the revolution on the basis of their class affiliation or of their pre-revolutionary roles."[20]

In 1922, at the end of the Civil War, the Cheka was renamed as the GPU (State Political Directorate), a section of the NKVD. This did not diminish Dzerzhinsky's power; he was Minister of the Interior, director of the Cheka/GPU/OGPU, Minister for Communications, and director of the Vesenkha (Supreme Council of National Economy) 1921–24.

At his office in Lubyanka, Dzerzhinsky kept a portrait of Rosa Luxemburg on the wall.[21]

Besides his leadership of the Cheka, Dzerhinsky also took on a number of other roles; he led the fight against typhus in 1918, was chair of the Commissariat for Internal Affairs from 1919 to 1923, initiated a vast orphanage construction program, chaired the Transport Commissariat, organised the embalming of Lenin's body in 1924 and chaired the Society of Friends of Soviet Cinema.[22]

Dzerzhinsky and Lenin
Dzerzhinsky became a Bolshevik as late as 1917. Therefore, it was wrong to claim, as the official Soviet historians later did, that Dzerzhinsky had been one of Lenin's oldest and most reliable comrades, or that Lenin had exercised some sort of spellbinding influence on Dzerzhinsky and the SDKPiL. Lenin and Dzerzhinsky frequently had opposing opinions about many important ideological and political issues of the pre-revolutionary period, and also after the October Revolution. After 1917, Dzerzhinsky would oppose Lenin on such crucial issues as the Brest-Litovsk peace, the trade unions, and Soviet nationality policy, during the April 1917 Party Conference when Lenin accused Dzerzhinsky of Great-Russian chauvinism he replied: "I can reproach him (Lenin) with standing at the point of view of the Polish, Ukrainian and other chauvinists."[23] He had creative organizational ability and was willing to perform unwelcome and difficult tasks.

From 1917 to his death in 1926, Dzerzhinsky was first and foremost a Russian Communist, and Dzerzhinsky's involvement in the affairs of the Polish Communist Party (which was founded in 1918) was minimal. The energy and dedication that had previously been responsible for the building of the SDKPiL would henceforth be devoted to the priorities of the struggle for proletarian power in Russia, to the defense of the revolution during the civil war, and eventually, to the tasks of socialist construction.[24]

Death and legacy
Dzerzhinsky died of heart attack on 20 July 1926 in Moscow, immediately after a two-hour-long speech to the Bolshevik Central Committee during which, visibly quite ill, he violently denounced the United Opposition directed by Leon Trotsky, Grigory Zinoviev, and Lev Kamenev.[25] Upon hearing of his death, Joseph Stalin eulogized Dzerzhinsky as "...a devout knight of the proletariat".[26] Nicholas Roerich and his son George were waiting in the Cheka office to see Dzerzhinsky when they heard of Dzerzhinsky's death.[27] Dzerzhinsky was succeeded as head of the Cheka by fellow ethnic Pole Vyacheslav Menzhinsky.

Dzierżyńszczyzna, one of the two Polish Autonomous Districts in the Soviet Union, was named to commemorate Dzerzhinsky. Located in Belarus, near Minsk and close to the Soviet-Polish border of the time, it was created on 15 March 1932, with the capital at Dzyarzhynsk (Dzerzhynsk, formerly known as Kojdanów). The district was disbanded in 1935 at the onset of the Great Purge and most of its administration was executed. (The Dzerzhinsky estate itself remained inside Poland from 1921 to 1939).

His name and image were used widely throughout the KGB and the Soviet Union—and other socialist countries: there were six towns named after him. The town Kojdanava, which is not very far from the estate, was renamed to Dzyarzhynsk. In Russia there is a city of Dzerzhinsk, a village of Dzerzhinsk and three other cities called Dzerzhinskiy; in former Soviet republics, there are cities named for him in Armenia, Belarus, and Ukraine. A Ukrainian village in the Zhytomyr Oblast was also named Dzerzhinsk until 2005 when it was renamed Romaniv. The Dzerzhinskiy Tractor Works in Stalingrad were named in his honor and became a scene of bitter fighting during the Second World War. The FED camera, produced from 1934 to 1990, is named for him,[28] as was the FD class steam locomotive.

The "Iron Felix"
"Iron Felix" also refers to a 15-ton iron monument of Dzerzhinsky, which once dominated the Lubyanka Square in Moscow, near the KGB headquarters. It was built in 1958 by the sculptor Yevgeny Vuchetich and was a Moscow landmark during Soviet times. Symbolically, the Memorial to the Victims of the Gulag (a simple stone from Solovki) was erected beside the Iron Felix and the latter was removed in August 1991, after the failed coup d'état attempt by hard-line Communist members of the government. A mock-up of the removal of Dzerzhinsky's statue can be found in the entrance hall of the International Spy Museum in Washington, D.C.

The figure of Dzerzhinsky remains controversial in the Russian society. The return of the statue to its plinth was proposed six times during the 1999-2013 period. The proposals were rejected by the Monument Art Commission of the Moscow City Duma due to concerns that this would cause "unnecessary tension" in the society.[29] According to a December 2013 VTSIOM poll, 45% of Russians favor the restoration of the statue to the Lubyanka Square, with 25% unconditionally opposing it.[30] The statue remained in a yard for old Soviet memorials at the Central House of Artists.

In April 2012, the Moscow authorities stated that they would be renovating the "Iron Felix" monument in full and put the statue on a list of monuments to be renovated, as well as officially designated it an object of cultural heritage.[31]

Other statues

A smaller bust of Dzerzhinsky in the courtyard of the Moscow police headquarters at Petrovka 38 was restored in November 2005 (this bust had been removed by the police officers on 22 August 1991).[32]

As it was a symbol of the Soviet Union and its domination over Poland, his monument in Dzerzhinsky Square (pl. Plac Dzierżyńskiego) in the center of Warsaw was toppled in 1989 as the Polish United Workers' Party lost power as part of the collapse of communism. The name of the square was soon changed to its pre–Second World War name, "Bank Square" (pl: Plac Bankowy).

A 10-foot bronze replica of the original Iron Felix statue was placed on the grounds of the military academy in Minsk, Belarus, in May 2006.[33]

Dzerzhinovo
In 2005, the Government of Belarus rebuilt the manor house of Dzerzhinovo, where Dzerzhinsky was born, and established a museum. Annually, the graduating class of the KDB academy holds its swearing-in at the manor. In 1943, the manor had been destroyed and family members (including Dzerzhinsky's brother Kazimierz) were killed by the Germans, because of their support for the Polish Home Army.[34][35]

See also

 

 

Kuhn, Loeb & Co. ex Wiki
Kuhn, Loeb & Co. was a bulge bracket investment bank founded in 1867 by Abraham Kuhn[1] and Solomon Loeb. Under the leadership of Jacob H. Schiff, it grew to be one of the most influential investment banks in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, financing America's expanding railways and growth companies, including Western Union and Westinghouse, and thereby becoming the principal rival of J.P. Morgan & Co.

In the years following Schiff's death in 1920, the firm was led by Otto Kahn and Felix Warburg, men who had already solidified their roles as Schiff's able successors. However, the firm's fortunes began to fade following World War II, when it failed to keep pace with a rapidly changing investment banking industry, where Kuhn, Loeb's old-world, genteel ways, did not seem to fit; the days of the gentleman-banker had passed.

Considered one of the last gentlemen investment banks, the firm lost its independence in 1977 when it merged with Lehman Brothers, creating Lehman Brothers, Kuhn, Loeb Inc. The combined firm was itself acquired in 1984 by American Express, forming Shearson Lehman/American Express and with that, the Kuhn, Loeb name was lost.

 

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